Saturday, April 15, 2017

Urban Development

The urban development of cities is seldom just a result of city planning. Communities are fashioned by residents around the economic, social and political factors that influence them. These varying features in amalgamation with unique geographic environments, cultures and histories lead to different types of cities. Population growth and changing factors of cities leads to changes in urban development over time. Urban populations are increasing by 75 million per year (The Economist, 2016) so the importance of having multicultural, economically strong and liveable spaces is vital. Examining the successful (and unsuccessful) types of cities can help form a model for how cities should be planned. Manhattan for instance is 36% public road while some unplanned African cities are as little as 5% (The Economist, 2016). The consequences of this urban form is important for understanding how connected a city is, how happy the residents are and the economic basis of communities. Urban development of cities cannot be explained though just one factor, instead it is the integration of factors that leads to different types of contemporary cities.

A key economic driver of urban development in cities is industrialisation as it leads to rapid acceleration of economic and population growth changing the nature of cities. Industrialisation is the most significant factor in the facilitation of urban development as it originally fundamentally changed the role of cities from agricultural hubs for trade to capitalist, production powerhouses (Hall, 2006).The factory system and mass production required large workforces attracting labour into cities and new industrial areas shaped cities as they benefitted from close proximity in industry.  London went from a workforce of 1 million in 1800 to 2.5 million by 1850 and 6 million by 1900 (Kaplan, 2009). Every worker added in the production of good creates four non-production jobs to the economy leading to exponential growth (Kaplan, 2009). This growth does come at a cost. Pollution from manufacture and power generation caused huge health problems for workers in industrial Britain and still causes issues today in megacities such as Beijing. Government policies today in Beijing attempt to control the amount of air pollution through guidelines over acceptable levels of pollution. Rapid population growth from urbanisation had some cities struggling to keep up and urban planners did not exist in many of these early industrial cities (Hall, 2006) leading to poor space layouts with factories taking the best sites for factories instead of public use (Pacione, 2009). Classes began to emerge as disparity’s in wealth became apparent from the gap between workers and capitalist investors (Hall, 2006). Cities had existed before industrialisation but the basis of cities had to shift from extraction to production and exchange (Kaplan, 2009). Urban development was centred around industrial centres with railroads, water sources and proximity to other factories used to position factories.

London is a contemporary financial city which is the world leader in banking and insurance. The “City of London” district specifically houses some of the world’s biggest banks and functions as a hub for financial transactions. London is ranked number one in the Global Financial Cities Index (Yeandle, 2016) and has a long history with some of the world’s first banks being formed here. The rise of London as a financial city can be traced back to the industrial revolution where London acted as the centre of finance and innovation. The nature of this district can be seen in the fact that only 7,000 people live in the district itself but over 300,000 people commute to work there (City of London, 2016).
Detroit in Michigan is contemporary example of a shrinking city which shows key factors of urbanisation but also key factors of change in urban economies. Automobile manufacture dominated the Detroit economy so the decline of the industry emptied the city as residents (Sugrue, 2004). The rapid rise of Detroit can be seen though the level of urban sprawl with mainly single story residential houses in the suburbs due to quick expansion of the city. The history of Detroit has significance for urban planners today as the declining population has resulted in empty houses. The population of Detroit declined from 1.85 million in 1950 to 700,000 in 2013 (Foulberg, 2012). Current redevelopment of this city focuses on the CBD and close suburbs (Foulberg, 2012)while houses not within close proximity are being demolished as the population is likely to never recover. Despite this, urban planners in Detroit are finding success within the redevelopment of the city to be a tech hub for new start up industries. Furthermore, empty factories from the automobile industry are repurposed bringing new life to old buildings. 
Technology shapes urban development as a driver of economic growth creating new industries and making cities more efficient. Advances in technology were essential for early cities as they enabled the farming sector to support urban residents as consistent agricultural surpluses needed to be sustained (Kaplan, 2009). The industry was very labour intensive requiring 50-90 workers per urban resident (Nel, 2016). Improvements in technology lowered this number and increased output resulting in increased urbanisation as people moved to the city to look for jobs. Improvements in technology also enabled better transport and trade shaping cities to the global cities seen today through technology like the internet.
Munich is an example of a contemporary technology based city which is home to over 22,000 start-up companies. This culture is engrained within the city and encouraged though urban development and organisations such as “start-up Munich” (Messe Munchen, 2016). Ranked the top tech city in a report by the European Commission, Munch has large companies in industry’s like automotive, ICT and biotech industries. Further proof of Munich as a high tech city is shown in that it has the highest amount of patents per capita in Germany.

A key political factor of urban development over time has been religion due to long standing significance and control over the development of cities. Religion provided a form of social organisation to tie larger communities together and regulate activities and resources within the city (Kaplan, 2009). Temples were often a centrepiece of early cities (Kaplan, 2009). Michael Pacione argues a primary characteristic for urbanisation and development is a class structured society and state organisation through the form of religious, political and military function. Early cities often had a combination of all three of these elements to control and organise social structure in a city. For a city to grow and be protected from conflict these conditions were essential and religion while not as important today was a significant factor which covered these factors. Religion itself is not the most important factor shaping urban development as economic factors grew to become more important (Kaplan, 2009) shifting the balance of power but religion did have influence in almost any decision in early cities (Morris, 1972).

An example of a contemporary religious city is Amritsar. SGPC, a Sikh organisation controls and develops Sri Harmander Sahib in Amritsar (Narayanan, 2016) .The organisation focuses on tourism linked to its historic religious sites and has investments in accommodation and infrastructure to support tourists. The organising body actively promotes visiting the historic Golden Temple which is one of the most visited sites in India with up to 60,000 people visiting per day. Sikhism and its morals are the paramount features governing any decision relating to the Golden Temple and cultural rules within the temple strictly monitor visitor behaviour (Narayanan, 2016). Demand from increasing tourists has shaped this city in the modern day while religion is to explain for its original urban form. There is also significance around preserving and restoring sites in the context of urban development. The city of Amritsar also faces pressure to add modern services such as libraries and museums to pre-existing religious complexes which they have done but they also face pressures of global urbanism to add malls (Narayanan, 2016) and other commercial structures.

Rapid global urbanisation is adding importance to effective long-term urban development in cities as population increases and changing economies mark uncertainties around the right way to build cities. In addition to this planning cities is not as simple as planning roads and districts with residents interpreting space in ways which suit their own economic, cultural, social and political beliefs. This essay has covered the significance of industrialisation as an economic force, technology, and religion as a political force but it this the unique combination of these factors in a physical geographic environment which culture the way a city operates leading to different types of contemporary cities. The problems these cities face vary so widely than no scenario can be called the same. Whether it’s depopulation in Detroit or a thriving tourism industry in Amritsar city planners and governors and influenced by different histories and cultures which shape cities differently in the present day.




Reference List

City of London (2016) Research and Statistics FAQ. [Online]
Available at: http://www.cityoflondon.gov.uk/Corporation/LGNL_Services/Business/Business_support_and_advice/Economic_information_and_analysis/Research+and+statistics+FAQ.htm
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Foulberg, E. Murphy, ., Blij, H.(2012) Urban Geogeography. In: Human Geography: People, Place and Culture.. New Jersey: Wiley.

Hall, T., (2006). Urban Geography. 3rd Edition ed. London and New York: Routledge.

Kaplan, D., (2009) Urban Geography. Second Edition ed. Hoboken: Wiley.

Messe Munchen, (2016) Economy & infrastructure. [Online]
Available at: http://www.messe-muenchen.de/en/company/messe_metropole_muenchen/wirtschaft_infrastruktur_1.php
[Accessed 2016].

Morris, A., (1972) History of Urban Form: Before the industrial revolutions. Third Edition ed. London and New York: Routledge .

Narayanan, Y., (2016) Religion and Urbanism. First Edition ed. London and New York: Routledge.

Nel, E., (2016) The Growth of Cities of the Global North – Pre-Industrial Cities , Dunedin: University of Otago.
Pacione, M., (2009) Urban Geography: A Global Perspective. 3rd Edition ed. London and New York: Routledge.

Sugrue, T. J., (2004) From Motor City to Motor Metropolis: How the Automobile Industry Reshaped Urban America. [Online]
Available at: http://www.autolife.umd.umich.edu/Race/R_Overview/R_Overview1.htm
[Accessed 14 9 2016].

The Economist, (2016) The right kind of sprawl. [Online]
Available at: http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21701491-growing-cities-africa-and-asia-are-bound-spread-out-they-do-not-have-do-it-so
[Accessed 14 September 2016].

Yeandle, M., (2016) GFCI - Global Financial Centres Index. [Online]
Available at: http://www.longfinance.net/global-financial-centre-index-19/992-gfci-19.html
[Accessed 14 September 2016].



Indian Rebellion of 1857

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 was a turning point for the British for their views on colonial policy as Indian Sepoys and civilians turned to revolt in order to protest growing resentment within India. Britain's lack of understanding and interference in Indian culture and society, especially in regard to Muslim and Hindu beliefs, lead to fear of rapid westernisation within India causing a revolt between the “Old against the New”. What followed has caused decades of debate, was it a Mutiny or the first War of Independence? The Indian Rebellion is a case of Britain’s attempt to keep the jewel in the crown of its colonies.

Causes

A major long term cause of the Indian Rebellion of 1857 was Indian resentment towards the British over actions which caused major economic and social interference in India. These actions resulted in Indian to feeling oppressed and led to a revolt from the Indian Sepoys which quickly spread to a civilian rebellion. The actions and believed intentions of the East India Company in particular caused massive interference as the company had a change in mind set from being trade focused to governance focused. The East India Company had historically been focused on trade and maximising profits for their shareholders through increasing trade to and from India through exports such as textiles and spices. To protect their trade investments they had their own private arms. They eventually realised that their influence in the regions of India (economically and militarily) would allow them to collect tax from Indians, a far more profitable venture. This caused discontent among the Indians who believed that the majority of the money collected was not being spent to help or protect India at all. Investments from the British in railways and telegraphs were not able to contain the discontent as the British had destroyed the Indian textile industry through its own form of mass production.

“It is plain that the infidel and treacherous British government have monopolised the trade of all the fine and valuable merchandise, such as indigo, cloth, and other articles of shipping, leaving only the trade of trifles to the people, and even in this they are not without their share of the profits, which they secure by means of customs and stamp fees, &c., in money suits, so that the people have merely a trade in name”
This quote from an Indian Rebel Manifesto shows the resentment caused by the destruction of native Indian industries as Britain took control to maximise profits.

Furthermore the railways, telegraphs and mass education were in those days a cultural shift and this has led some to label the Indian revolt as “Old against the new”. Other have argued this quote shows colonial bias suggesting the new innovations were always helpful to Indian society which was not always the case. The East India Company also used their influence to confiscate and redistribute land to the peasantry which exacerbated the resentment causing natives in the north of India to rise up and protest believing they had suffered enough under heavy land taxes. More land disputes and resentment was created through the Doctrine of Lapse policy of 1848 by the East India Company which allowed the company to inherit land when the ruler of the land died without children. This was especially controversial due to Hindu culture which encouraged adoption when the ruler of a land dies childless.

British interference in cultural and social customs caused bitterness among Indians as they felt that their customs and traditions were being oppressed. This sense of imposing westernisation was brought about by “ethnocentric attitudes and laws that belittled Indian culture” caused some to rise up and try reclaim India. Some of this British arrogance can be seen when Thomas Babington Macaulay said in his attempt to reduce publishing support for non-English texts “a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia.” Indians begrudged newly introduced laws such as the Widow Remarriage Act which advocated Hindu widow’s remarriage following their husband's death which was against traditional Indian culture and forbade practices practises such as widow burning.
Britain had made the official language of the Indian Government, English, and legalised Christian missionaries when it introduced the 1813 Regulatory Act in their attempts to westernise India. Britain wanted to control economic and cultural life in India through the weakening of power from Hindu princely states. Historian Kristian Ola argues that the cause of the Mutiny was “out of arrogance or ignorance the British administration had failed to heed too many cultural factors in their rule.”

The East India Company employees were rarely punished for crimes they committed in India showing an inherent lack of justice for British criminals. Even the murder to Indians by company officials did often not lead to a conviction. British disruption of Indian culture and religion and a lack of justice for British officers led to a sense of British superiority and westernisation which angered Indians.

There is historical debate about the importance of religion as a cause in the Indian Mutiny.
Historian William Dalrymple argues that the Indian Mutiny was “primarily a war of religion” which is against a common view that the rebellion was a “rising to British economic policies” He argues that until recently the Rebellion or Mutiny has been examined by historians through the use of British documents which sometimes discount the religious view. Through his examination of over 20,000 documents he argues that rebel Sepoy texts show their intention is to protect their religions.
One significant cause of the Indian Rebellion was growing disconnect among native Indian Sepoys in the East India Company’s private army. Unease within the military had been growing for years due to new policies adopted by the British. Decreases in pay and pension were economic factors which caused anger. Sepoys were also ineligible for promotion and higher pay as the officers in the army were strictly British. The distance between the officers and the troops allowed a rift to form with negative views towards the officers worsened by the fact they were seen as arrogant. Historian Michael Edwardes argues that complacency within the officer core led to a lack of respect from Sepoys. In the beginnings of the Private army, generals were keen to make their mark and earn a fortune serving from the frontline and embracing the same dangers as they Sepoys. Newer generations of East India Company officers were less eager for success and the language barrier became more pronounced leading to further distance from the men. There is historical debate around whether Indian Sepoy arrogance was also a cause of the revolt. Some argue that the Bengal army had become “rusty and antiquated, and discipline was lax” and in seeing Britain involved in wars overseas believed it forces to be superior. This sense of Bengal Army superiority was reinforced by the victories they had fought and won believing their success was entirely their own despite the victories being under British generalship. The Sepoys were opportunists trying to take the destiny of India into their own hands he argues. Others argue more important causes to be the dissatisfaction at pay prospects and religious missionaries in the army to be larger causes for a revolt. Increased resentment was also prompted by changes in practices which they interpreted as forcing them to adopt Christianity. Missionaries within the military were seen to be trying to convert young Muslim and Hindu soldiers towards Christianity.

The immediate cause of the Indian Mutiny was the introduction of Enfield rifles which used new cartridges that in Britain were greased with pork or beef. To load it, the cartridges had to be bitten open. Muslims are forbidden to eat pork and Hindus don’t eat beef and so the suspected inclusion of these meats was seen as a deliberate attack on religions other than Christianity in India and compromised Sepoys religious purity. Historian Priti Joshi argues “The Greased Cartridge serves as a popular explanation, but it fails to explain the spread of uprisings to garrisons where no Sepoy was punished for refusing to bite the bullet, nor explains the involvement of a vast range of civilians. Further, it masks deeper sources of dissatisfaction as it reduces rebels to merely religious fanatics.” her suggestion is that the cartridge explanation is too simple and the textbook answer written in British History books ignored the resentment and poor foresight of the British. Furthermore, after the controversy involving the new cartridges, Sepoys even began to avoid the old cartridges. The officers claimed the cartridges were made from vegetable oil and not pork or beef as rumoured, the replacement of the cartridges to appease the Sepoys further aggravated native Indians leading them to believe the cartridges had been intentionally tampered with otherwise they wouldn't need to be replaced. The refusal of Sepoys to respect their officer’s word

The Rebellion

The “mutiny” or rebellion started on March 29, 1857 in Barrackpore when a Sepoy, Mangal Pandey, fired the first shot of Mutiny at Sergeant-Major James Hewson. His regiment was about to be punished for refusing to bite open rifle cartridges that had been rumoured to contain pork and beef fat. An English general claimed he later believed Pandey’s attack to be a "religious frenzy" and he attempted to kill himself in fear of dishonourable death by British. This view parallels closely to what today is considered terrorism even though in India even today he is considered a hero. More widespread mutinies began to occur through April, May and June from units in the Bengal Army in India and regiments who had been punished for refusal were freed by other mutineers. The fear of Sepoys was exploited by Indian nationalists who refused to believe the claims of British officers that the cartridges were made with vegetable oil.

"The death of Colonel Finnis on the parade ground at Meerut," Illustrated London News, 1857

The depiction above published in the London News shows the British perspective on the Mutineers in 1857.

The revolt of Sepoys in Meerut was a significant turning point in the mutiny as its success resulted in the spread of the Mutiny to places such as Delhi, Cawnpore and Lucknow. The uprising in Meerut started when officers ordered 90 to perform firing drills. 85 Sepoys refused and were court martialled and given 10 year prison sentences. The following day, Indians revolted and released the imprisoned soldiers leading to an attack on British quarters where men and 210 women and children were killed.  Mutineers from Meerut traveled to Delhi to revolt against the British and slaughtered many British officers but also British civilians such as women and children. News of the revolt spread across India and in an attempt to limit Sepoy damage, some British forces blew up ammunition that would soon have been used against them.  

The ineffectiveness of the Sepoys resulted in British being able to re-establish power in India. Bahadur Shah Zafar claimed himself to be the emperor of India but his Islamic faith turned many Muslims away from the uprising as an inner conflict began between Muslim and Islamic rule. The Sepoys lacked a centralised command who would have been able to initiate and organise troops when the British finally began to counterattack.

The British established a siege of Delhi from September and even though they had the artillery advantage, they lacked the numbers to create an effective blockade. Despite this advantage the British attacked the city suffering heavy losses reaching Red Fort and reclaiming Delhi.

The besiegement of Cawnpore was a significant factor in the British retaliation and reclamation of India as Cawnpore become the signature mark of Indian brutality. Indian Sepoys besieged the town of Cawnpore for three weeks as the British endured a lack of water and food. An offer was made by Indian Sepoys to allow British to exit the town freely but this offer was not upheld. British men who were injured from the fighting and who were slowing the movement of the British away from Cawnpore were killed along with Sepoys who had been loyal to the British. Following an incident while moving British on boats, the Indian Sepoys killed all the men. They moved the women and children to the Nana Sahib where they were held hostage for two weeks before they too were hacked to death.

The “mutiny” was declared over on July 8th 1859 following months of fighting. The British had been slow to respond at the start of the war but were able to regain control of India. The responsive of the British has been described as waves of attacks to clean up the mutineers. The British were aided by the fact many Sepoys maintained their loyalty to the British. In Delhi, 7,900 of the 11,200 troops had been Indian allowing the British to suppress the threat more easily. Furthermore, the British had received reinforcements from Britain and had the support of the Sikhs.

Consequences

Retribution

British retribution was a significant consequence of the Indian Rebellion as British sought excessive justice and punishment in an attempt to quash a nationalist Indian movement and in the process demonstrated the new relationship in India with the British regime. The murder of women and children enraged British soldiers and help create support for fighting the mutiny back home as places such as Cawnpore became infamous for Sepoy murder. English newspapers in Britain often misrepresented the Indian Sepoys and inflated the brutality with one source “describing the rebels as tossing British babies into the air and bayoneting them for sport”. This Indian brutality was used as justification for Britain's own form of retribution however there is evidence of British retribution before they knew these murders had even taken place. The British wanted to take a tough stance on those responsible bust some officers believed death by hanging was too light a punishment. The British instead blasted some mutineers out of cannons denying them and their families proper Muslim or Hindu religious burial. Furthermore, British soldiers forced Sepoys to eat pork and beef further dishonouring their religious purity.

British Raj

The most significant consequence of the Indian Rebellion was the end of the East India Company's rule and the establishment of the British Raj allowing Britain more direct control and more influence in non-economic areas of society. The India Act in 1858 removed the East India Company imposing new governor Viceroys. The rebellion was also important as it irreversibly sighed the first seeds of Indian nationalism ultimately leading to India's independence from Britain in 1947. The British government took direct control in making India an official colony of Britain following the rebellion ending the 200 year reign of the East India Company.

The mutiny had shifted British attitudes towards India. On one level it had shown religious interference to have strong negative reactions however it also showed the British would need to be more strict to retain control. Part of the change in British attitude can be seen in the policies of the Legislative Council. This council up until 1857 had only contained Europeans and before the Mutiny had been accused of arrogance and miscommunication with the Indian people. Following the rebellion, Indians were elected into this council. The first move by the Raj was to give more respect to property landlords.. Princes were promised their territories would not be annexed in direct contrast to the Doctrine of Lapse before the mutiny in 1848. Furthermore, more money was invested in expansive railways and canals systems increasing irrigation in farms and productivity.

Religious freedom was granted from the strong message sent to the British by the Indian people. The British government distanced itself from the Christian missionaries which the East India Company had legalised and declared in the Queen’s proclamation that they would not impose “our convictions on any of our subjects”
In 1858 Lord Ellenborough stated in causes of the Mutiny “I can come to no other conclusion than that the source of all that discontent and mutiny is the apprehension that there is an intention on the part of the Government to interfere with the religion of the natives. It is impossible to come to any other conclusion.”

War of Independence or Mutiny

There is significant historical debate surrounding to what extent the Indian Rebellion was a Mutiny or a War of Independence. These days, most historians agree that the Rebellion was more significant than simply military disobedience in the barracks instead it was somewhere in between a reactionary move from Indians and a War of Independence.
The British had historically called the Rebellion a “Mutiny” despite its being significantly larger than a mutiny, because the name implied that they still had control and the movement was not nationalist and implied no civilian involvement. Dr Crispin Bates implies that the British used the word mutiny to downplay the significance of the uprising.
“Even during the uprising itself the British often tried to convince themselves, even as their houses burned and their women and children were slaughtered, that the majority of Indians were still 'loyal' and that it was solely the rebelliousness of a few thousand (actually 139,000) Indian Sepoys that was the cause of the problem. This idea made the restoration of British rule post-1857 a far simpler matter than might otherwise have been, but it flew in the face of the reality that was experienced”
The painting Retribution by Edward Armitage in 1858 shows the British perspective on the events in India as to it being a mutiny. The painting shows a Bengal tiger which has not been slain yet implying that while Indians are brutal beasts and don’t carry European morals, all they need is to be controlled. This painting is British propaganda for the war in India showing the dead women and children killed the mutiny as well as the strong Britannia who shows Britain is greater than any beast. This source is perfect evidence to show how the press exaggerated the events taking place in India. The artist, Edward Armitage, painted this from London based solely on events described in the British press having never been to India.

The argument of mutiny is supported by evidence that the mutineers were “poorly organised, had few weapons, and lacked good leadership.” suggesting a reactionary force as the uprising had not been planned. This particular source (Indian encyclopaedia) suggested instead that the mutineers would have been incapable of leading a war against the British due to various power struggles in India. The clash in views between Muslim and Hindu leaders was also a reason as to why India was unable to unite against the British. Only isolated groups of civilians were united on the cause, partially show by a letter written to the Court of Directors by native Bengal Indians criticising the leniency of the government towards the mutineers.

“My Lord,
We the undersigned Rajahs, Zemindars, Talookdars, Merchants, Tradesmen, Agriculturists, and other Natives of the Provinces of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, … beg leave to approach your Lordship in Council with this address expressive of our deep sense of gratitude for the several measures of security adopted by your Lordship in Council since disturbances have broken out in the Upper and Central Provinces of British India …. Now that My Lord, they have ventured to carry their misstatements to the foot of the Throne, it is time, and justice to ourselves and to our countrymen demands – that a national protest against these most unjustifiable proceedings should be thus placed upon record.“
This letter shows many the support towards the British of many native Indians.

Historian Michael Edwardes argued that a British win in India was inevitable and safe and that “There had been no real danger that British rule in India would be overthrown. The majority of the native soldiers had remained loyal.” suggesting that the mutiny itself was very isolated and the idea of a war of independence to be incorrect. it ignore the effect of a nationalist movement which could have easy shift across more of India though.
Historian Peter Robb argues “the uprising was not a coordinated or even a related set of events. Rather it was a mass of separate happenings and responses that fed off one another” implying the suggesting of a nationalist rebellion is only brought around by possible coincidences. The argument that Britian had too much power for it to be a War of Independence ignores the nationalist intent of the soldiers which makes it a war of independence however.
Indian historian Rudrangshu Mukherjee opposed this saying “The outbreak of the mutinies was not chaotic or disorderly. On the contrary, the sipahis showed a remarkable degree of planning and coordination in the way the mutinies were carried out”. Mutiny spreading so rapidly supports this claim that the rebellion was more organised on the indian side than many other historians suggest. This view doesn’t to match up with other evidence describing them as poorly organised, so there are clearly mixed views among historians.

Joshi Priti argues an alternative view that “What began as a military mutiny in several garrisons of the Bengal Army morphed into or converged with a civilian rebellion.” he carefully avoided using the words independence suggesting his personal view is that it was not a war. The destruction of item associated with colonial rule as Indians tried to distance themselves from the British suggests that Indians were more that frustrated and wanted Britain out.

Significance to New Zealand

The Indian Mutiny was significant to New Zealand mostly because of Governor George Grey as he served from 1861 to 1868 following his work in India during the Rebellion. He was well known and respected due to his efficiency in repressing natives in India through his military support while in South Africa. While in the Cape colonies he had sought to unite India and the Cape colonies as an opportunity for closer relations. The events in India changed how the British undertook imperial relations forever. The revolt showed a greater need for force from the British as in India the British had been too slow to react and the mutiny had been able to spread. The shifts in India's policy, also shifted how he ruled his own colonies such as South Africa and New Zealand. Grey even used the events in India to justify his new policies.

Just like in India, land disputes under a flawed Treaty of Waitangi was causing great tension between Maori and the British settlers. Resentment of British had caused strained relations in New Zealand just like in India. Governor grey's task was to “give every sort of means for an effectual settlement of the native question” meaning he was to acquire important land at any cost and had the full permission of the government in London. Grey’s previous good relations with Maori were forgotten and war broke out at Waikato in 1863 in the Waikato Wars. Imperial troops had to be sent into to end the war and he felt out of liking with the British government for his poor communication and organisational skills. Yet his actions could not be taking back, his ultimatum to the Maori people in Waikato had started the war and this aggressive negotiating/invading continued on upsetting tribes such as Ngati Toa.

Many British troops who served in the mutiny also later settled within New Zealand but the most significant effect was un doubtedly Governor Grey's influence on colonial policy in New Zealand.

Conclusion

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 was a mutiny that grew into a nationalist movement.  While nationalist, more would have needed to be  involved and supporting for this to have been the first war of independence.  British arrogance and lack of respect for indian customs in combination with economic factors caused the Indian Rebellion. Though there was never any doubt as to whether the British would retain control of India, the seeds had been planted and would lead the way to India eventually gaining independence in 1947. Certain aspects of the Rebellion share resemblances to Maori-Pakeha relations in New Zealand with a build up for tension over culture and land leading to conflicts. The “Mutiny” also undoubtedly shifted imperial policy away from forced religious conversion of missionaries to that of less social interference but increased military force and the involvement of Governor Grey in these policies results in them being implemented.  

World History

World History shows connections and networks of information that are all distinct but seemingly relate to form general theories about the world. Adshead and Bayly in particular argue that through the examination of local histories and the comparison between other histories, conclusions can be drawn to world historical theories in ways that were not previously possible. With increasing connections between societies and the rise of globalisation in terms of trade, language, economies, migration and cultures some historians may see a need to worry about uniformity. It is the bridging of these cultures and the borrowing of ideas which actually shows the divides in beliefs and the differences in societies. Through the mixing and merging it is possible to find strength in identity.

Through global history, it is possible to examine the differences between societies and patterns of events. However due to the complexities of global history it can be hard to identity exactly which group of people a historian may be discussing as the increasing connectedness means many groups can be easily confused as one larger entity. History is too broad to define groups in fluid terms of country argues Manning as this limits the historian to discussing certain viewpoints.

The distinct difference between world history and regional history is that patterns and trends can be easily explained when seen on a more expansive level. World history is also distinct in that it not longer just includes the studies of communities and societies. Other fields of study can be brought into the study of history to give even broader insight into the history behind factors in an event. Global debate around history is another advantage of world history. It is now possible to hear the opinions and interpretations of events in other societies.


Ming Dynasty and Sea Trade

The Ming Dynasty’s relationship with sea trade was turbulent but also significant and can be broadly defined into political relations and the economy. Trade was opened and closed throughout Ming Chinese history like years before under Yuan control. Opening trade to China was like opening flood gates, maritime trade became ingrained culturally but more so economically for large areas of China. Trade routes were closed at points, however this was mainly to combat pirates who plundered the coast of China. Throughout this period trade never entirely stopped as smuggling was not uncommon. 


For emperors the role of sea trade was seen as largely political. The spread of Chinese tribute and receipt of international tribute demonstrated the reach and power of the Ming (and Hongwu). The exchange of tribute between countries such as the Polish shows the importance of trade as a political force, though the Polish were not able to buy their way into China, the method they used shows the influence of tribute on the Chinese. Historical evidence such as the traveller’s guide Dispatched on Favourable Winds show an impressive reach of Chinese merchants throughout India and the Pacific. Chinese sea trade was important, for the commercial routes fostered a new China, with exotic goods returning in exchange for Chinese silk. This sometime disrupted the domestic market (in the case of silver) but the economic benefit was significant. As the Ming Dynasty progressed, closing the borders to trade was no longer a political option. The economic turmoil it would have caused would have been more significant seen than any political move against Japan. Despite this tribute and trade were linked for the Chinese Ming throughout the Dynasty and the adherence to Chinese customs mattered deeply to Emperors such as Hongwu. There was one pattern that did not change, for the Chinese open borders was more than just trade, it was cultural exchange and a political demonstration.

Sunday, February 5, 2017

Columnar Barnacles and Oyster Borer

My investigation focus is to find the distribution pattern of Oyster Borer (Haustrum Scobina) and Columnar Barnacles (Chamaesipho Columna) and to show how the two species relate using quantitative data.

Description of Pattern

Barnacles

My data showed barnacles were often grouped together showing clumped distribution pattern. This was not necessarily because of resources but the clumping of barnacles is needed for reproduction as barnacles cannot move and need to reproduce with another barnacle.
My data also showed barnacles were most common in the intertidal zone (70cm-105cm above sea level) with an average of 1077 (in 15 quadrats) in the intertidal zone compared with 3.33 and 46.6 in the low tide zone and high tide zone respectively. Barnacles zonation is in the intertidal zone because the amount of barnacle predators increases with more submergence time.

Barnacle zonation was also extremely concentrated as shown by the sum of the number of barnacles. There were 16,000 barnacles in the intertidal zone compared with 50 in low tide zone and 700 in high tide zone. This shows that the biological markup of barnacles does not suit the environmental factors in the low tide zone and high tide zone and that once given the right environment, barnacles survive in large numbers.

Columnar Barnacles
Low Tide
Intertidal Zone
High Tide
Average
3.333333333
1076.8
46.66666667
Sum
50
16152
700


Photo from data collection day.

Oyster Borer

My data showed oyster borer were found in all three zones but were most common in the intertidal zone. This can be seen in the data by an average of 3.8 oyster borer in the intertidal zone compared with 0.67 and 1.2 oyster borer in the low and high tide zones respectively.

Oyster Borers had a clumped distribution in our research and data. We tended to find oyster borers together and this was because of resources such as barnacles which they eat.

Oyster Borer
Low Tide
Intertidal Zone
High Tide
Average
0.6666666667
3.8
1.2
Sum
10
57
18

Environmental Factor

An abiotic environmental factor which affects both oyster borers and barnacles is the tide level and vertical height which both determine how much time they both spend submerged underwater. This factor itself is important because it also controls other environmental factors like temperature (sea is colder than land) and expose to sun.

Barnacles

Barnacles are filter feeders and eat plankton, algae and bacteria that is floating in the water. Due to the nature of their food, they can only get access to the food while they are in the water as they use their tentacles so they need to be submerged underwater at some points during the day. They also need to get access to water so they do not become desiccated.
Because they are not covered by water all the time, they seal water inside them to last until the tide comes back out. (Explain how tide affects a barnacles and oyster borer)

Oyster Borer

Oyster Borer also need water to survive by preventing desiccation. For this reason they should be covered by water twice a day and the length of time covered it determined by them being in the intertidal zone. Oyster Borer also feed underwater so they need to be exposed to water to water long enough to eat the barnacles and to move to them.
If there was not enough submergence time, oyster borer would die because they wouldn’t be able to eat the barnacles.

If hypothetically the intertidal zone had a longer submergence time, barnacles would be eaten out by other predators and no food would be left for Oyster Borer and so they would die out. Oyster Borer cannot go too far down the zones because the further they go down, the less food source even though they can spend more time eating. These are the reasons why Oyster Borer stay in the intertidal zone.

Ecological Niche

Barnacles

Barnacles live on rocks in the intertidal zone avoiding predators who need a large submergence time while filter feeding on plankton, algae and bacteria. Oyster Borer are its main predator.

Adaptations

Barnacles

Barnacles have impervious shells that can resist predators and can take the impact of waves. The shape of barnacles is hydrodynamic which means waves can easily wave over it causing no damage to the barnacles. This is a structural adaptation. This allows barnacles to be on rocks that are impacted by waves a lot and some of these high rocks could be considered the intertidal zone where we find these barnacles. Because barnacles have this adaptation, they can live on exposed rocks when some other species cannot.

Barnacles have a high temperature tolerance which is important because in rock pools the temperature can fluctuate a lot.

Barnacles have a few adaptations which allow them to be in the intertidal zone as opposed the low tide zone where they are survive less. Firstly, barnacles have a valve which opens and closes to keep water in and process food while also preventing desiccation. While underwater, barnacles open their valves and extend their cirri (tongue like) to gather plankton and algae from the water. Once the tide starts going out, barnicles close their valves to process the food they have gathered and they process this food while outside the water. This valve is made up of multiple plates which successfully seal the water but also keep predators out. This valve allows barnacles to stay out of the water longer than other animals that cannot seal water inside themselves. Because of this physiological/behavioural adaptation, we find barnacles more commonly further up in the intertidal zone.

Barnacles are also able to stick themselves to rocks very solidly and this is a behavioural adaptation by which they release a cement to glue themselves down.

A physiological adaptation is enzymes the barnacles release to break down plankton, algae and bacteria.

Ecological Niche

Oyster Borer

Oyster Borer feed on barnacles in the intertidal zone avoiding competition because of their adaptations which resist desiccation and allow them to stay in the intertidal zone. Oyster Borers are eaten by whelks.

Adaptations

Oyster Borer

Oyster Borer had a tooth ribbon (radula) which allow them to drill into mussels and barnacles and eat the organisms from the inside out. This is a structural adaptation allows Oyster Borer to drill into mussels in as little at 45 minutes.

When feeding on barnacles, Oyster Borer insert their foot into the barnacle before consuming the flesh, this is a structural adaptation.

The shell of a Oyster Borer helps to camouflage it into the rocks around and also provides protection from the waves and potential predators. This is a structural adaptation.

Oyster Borers use a mucous near the entrance to the shell to stop desiccation as they live in the intertidal zone. This structural adaptation allows them to stay out of water from longer than therefore allows them to live further up on the rocky shore.

Interrelationship

The interrelationship between these two animals is predation. Oyster Borer eat barnacles on the rocky shore and so we would expect to find them occupying the same areas. As barnacles mainly occupy the intertidal zone, this is where we would expect to find the most Oyster Borer.

Barnacles and Oyster Borer

Discussion

The tide level/vertical height is an environmental factor that with a barnacles adaptation, can explain the pattern. The tide level affects submergence time and the more time spent submerged mean more access to water but it also means more predators for Barnacles. For this reason they survive more in the intertidal zone but they can only do this because of an adaptation that stops water desiccation. The valve of the barnacle closes up when the tide goes in so that the barnacle has water even when the tide is in. This valve is comprised of multiple plates that move to close up when there is low tide. The barnacle also has an adaptation which allows it to process its food outside of the water. These two adaptations mean that barnacles have to spend less time in the water each day to survive and can therefore live further up the rocky shore compared with other organisms. This suits barnacles because the intertidal zone, has less predators as many of their predator need to eat them underwater for extended periods of time.
Oyster Borer eat the barnacles that are living in the intertidal zone. This is why Oyster Borer stay in the intertidal zone, because of their food source. This is relevant because if barnacles did not have these adaptations they would live further down the shore and spend more time submerged underwater. This would mean other predators would eat the barnacles and so there would not be much left for Oyster Borer. Oyster Borer would then not fulfill their ecological niche and they would die out.

My data supports this theory that there is a relationship between Oyster Borer and barnicles. In the low tide zone we only found an average (from 15 quadrats) of 3.33 barnacles and 0.67 oyster borer. In the intertidal zone we found an average of 1076.8 barnacles and a higher 3.8 oyster borer. In the high tide zone, we only found 46.67 barnacles average and 1.2 oyster borer average.

This clearly support the relationship link as where there is a large amount of barnacles, the number of oyster borers is also larger. We could also see this when taking our data because many of the barnacles were dead and oyster borers were around.

Average Population in Quadrat
Low Tide
Intertidal Zone
High Tide
Barnacles
3.333333333
1076.8
46.66666667
Oyster Borer
0.6666666667
3.8
1.2

Total Population in Quadrat
Low Tide
Intertidal Zone
High Tide
Barnacles
50
16152
700
Oyster Borer
10
57
18

Bibliography

Between the Tides

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